Contemporary
Korean Art in 1990s
by Young Chul Lee




Soo
Kyung Lee Painting for 'Out of Body Travel', 1999 size
variable Painting, wooden box, helmet, elbow protector, life jacket,
scale
Boem Kim Give and Take, 1993 26 x 38 inches Mixed media
(pencil, paper, Tylenol on canvas)
Sora Kim Homer: our new project, 1998 detail of "Very
Up & Very Down"
Yi-So Bahc Pukdupalsung (Eight Stars), 1997 210 x 120 x
40 cm Mixed media (Sponge, sticker, brick, acupuncture needle)
Whether it is in
a formal or an informal setting, it is always difficult for me
to resume the state of Korean contemporary art to those who are
in the international art world. This is because since the period
of the Japanese occupation, the post-occupation, the era during
the 1960s when internationalism was in fashion, the resistance
years of the 1980s, and the return at the same time to internationalism
in its globalized version of the 1990s and to a new-found regionalism,
throughout all these periods, tradition and cultural transformation
have been essentially intertwined. And it is difficult to intentionally
invent without stuttering new terms in Korean for this entwinement,
not only in an international forum but also in a Korean forum.
It is the Marxist and postmodernist Fredric Jameson who, in 1990,
according to Korean leftist groups, was the first to analyze the
entwinement of the three worlds that manifest themselves in Korean
culture, and this before European deconstructionists took a similar
point of view when analyzing culture. During a visit to Korea
in 1991, Jameson described Korea as a country in which the first,
second and third worlds coexist and collide with one another,
and bestowed upon it the title of the most contradictory city
in history.
To look at the cityscape
of Seoul is to sense the power of its rebirth from a once war-ravaged
city. A third-world city with tremendous urban problems just two
or three decades ago, Seoul today is a city of trendy, glitzy
and consumption-oriented quarters where young and fashionable
cultural tribes hang out, a gigantic urban monster that resembles
the morphology of Tokyo and Hong Kong. To look at the Seoul cityscape
is also to witness clashing architectural whimsy: high modernism,
matchbox-type international style, pseudo-postmodernism, deconstructionism,
etc., all of which are juxtaposed on the same block if not in
the same building. Seoul architecture is one huge potpourri of
hybrid urban signs, cultural cross-breeding, historical palimpsests
and, above all, kitsch.
Since the end of
the military regime in 1993, the energy of Korean society has
become concentrated into economic and cultural consumption. The
1980s were a decade of political struggle. The 1990s have been
a decade of mass culture, instant gratification, body politics,
youth and sexuality. The material rigidity of the 1980s gave way
to the molecular flexibility of the 1990s.
Every decade since
the end of the Korean war has brought with it dramatic contradictions
in the Korean cultural and political landscape. The 1990s is no
exception. On the one hand, the desire to progress is a necessary
dynamic in society. On the other hand, many societal anachronisms
conflict with this desire. A good example is a recent self-promotional
ad campaign by a leading Korean newspaper, which featured on a
big video billboard in downtown Seoul the slogan Lets step forward
with the information society, though we have stepped back in industrialization.
As this absurd statement demonstrates, the very reason for contradiction
is the desire itself to meet change and make a profit from it
rather than to solve real problems that wont go away. Today, Koreans
agree that the alliance among the government, the press, big business
and education, is effective in achieving their goals. Contradiction,
rashness and an irrational yet modern dynamism are, strange as
it may seem, the essential elements of Koreas cultural specificity,
a specificity born of the particular circumstances surrounding
the modernization of the country: the Japanese occupation, the
Korean War, the division of the country, dictatorship, a glorified
military culture, and even the close ties between the government
and big business necessary to promote a simple and abrupt globalization.
Koreas intense competitive
drive, which has been accelerating over the decades, creates a
dynamic society, but also a slower one, because it creates new
contradictions that accumulate and remain unresolved. The collapse
of a bridge that spanned the Han River and of a large department
store in Seoul are the disquieting symbols of these contradictions.
Toward the end of 1997, the economic crisis that struck many Asian
countries was a direct threat to Korean society and underlined
the urgency of overhauling Koreas economic structures. Many small
and medium sized companies closed their doors, and insolvent banks
and companies were sold to foreign groups. The collapse of the
Daewoo Group, which was one of Koreas major symbols of its model
for economic success, was a great shock for the entire country,
and a lesson, that this pioneer in creating markets throughout
Southeast Asia and Eastern Europe, especially Poland, and in leading
Korean industry for the last 35 years, had now become but a myth,
as fragile as a bubble. Nervous awareness of this danger has spread
across Korean society and made the people doubt and blame itself,
and wonder about its survival on the eve of a globalized 21st
century. A similar awareness dawned on Korean society at the end
of the 60s, when students and intellectuals held massive demonstrations
modeled on those of their Western counterparts. But now, at the
end of the 90s, our newly discovered individualism finds its highest
expression not in radical demonstrations but in conspicuous consumption.
It is in this fin-de-siecle
atmosphere that Korean contemporary art also finds its highest
expression, in a superficially international avant-gardism. For
the last ten years or so Korea has been host to some very big
and very expensive art events, including the Olympic Sculpture
Garden in 1988, the Contemporary Art Festival at the Taejon Expo
in 1991, the transposition of the 1993 edition of the Whitney
Biennial to Seoul, the creation of the Kwangju Biennale and the
Korean Pavilion at the Venice Biennale, both in 1995, and the
aborted construction of Frank Gehrys Samsung Museum because of
the Korean economic crisis of 1997; not to mention the construction
of other museums by conglomerates, the boom of collecting expensive
international art and of Koreans going abroad to discover international
art, the skyrocketing of gallery sales and profits, the arrival
of the two great international auction houses, Christies and Sothebys,
and the forest of public and private sculptures commissioned for
building fronts resulting from a new law that required that 1%
of a new buildings cost be allocated to art work. The most amazing
aspect of the first two Kwangju Biennales is not that they made
over 20 million dollars in entry fees for 1.7 million and .9 million
visitors in 1995 and 1997, but that a Korean regional bureaucracy
with little or no experience in matters of art created each successful
biennial in less than a year. However, none of these examples
of the tremendous explosion of the Korean art world is a reliable
indicator of quality. On the contrary, it is remarkable that the
sheer quantity of big art events tends to render them empty of
all art. The energy of Korean contemporary art emanates from a
deep desire to be merely demonstrative, an energy that is not
truly artistic but governmental, both on a national and a regional
level, and commercial, whether it be in the hands of the conglomerates,
the galleries, the dealers or the art associations. And whether
the art event is big or small, the distance between artistic depth
and the events true superficiality is great, a superficiality
that is profoundly anchored in Korean society and daily life,
or rather, culture. The paradox of what the world sees as Koreas
modernization and energy is that they cannot be separated from
their implicit contradictions, contradictions that are indeed
the source of their modernity and energy. Since 1960, Korean art
has been evolving in a whirlwind of paradox, contradiction and
dynamism. Thirty years of dictatorship catalyzed three common
directions: economic progress, globalization and national and
regional identity. The rapidness and excessiveness of economic
progress also propelled its crash, and blind internationalism
produced an abundance of pale Western art imitations.
It is paradoxical
that the contradictions of modern Korean society are also at the
source of its energy. In Korea, contradiction equals dynamism,
and opportunities arise from instability, irrationality and tradition.
And although this paradox might also hide a disadvantageous and
difficult reality, it is nevertheless mysterious that it fosters
vital social change that I would say is remarkably more vigorous
than in other industrial countries. The paradox then is a reality,
one where dynamism functions as myth, a myth that becomes the
foundation of a giant collective hope and goal.
The military regime
had inordinately emphasized on the economical efficiency in order
to get into the line of international order, while immolating
true justice on the other hand. And in that course, the history
of Korean art ended up disclosing itself as a mimicry of Western
art. On this account, Korean writers often depict Korean art as
an eye without the pupil or being under self-colonization. When
Korean artists adopted the western model, the result was a reiteration
of the Western identity, or rather the identity of the simulated
West. Those artists had actually intended on representing their
own identity, but in reality, they had produced nothing but a
series of imported masks. This inevitably became a rhetoric, in
which only the gestures were revived without any consideration
of the context. Economic imperialism, consisting of the export
of advanced technology and multinational capital from the West,
meant not only physical domination in the form of military and
political intervention, but also the export of imaginative meanings
from the West. Therefore, transplanting the western system onto
Korean soil in unmodified form - in the guise of advancement -
meant nothing more than self-colonization by foreign social and
cultural imaginations.
The term cultural
identity is yet hard to figure out with its endless changes and
developments and could be misinterpreted as something still and
frozen in time, that is, as either Korean or English or French.
Now this is what most curators and art critics who visit Korea
in search of artists whose works are somewhat rather Korean, but
in truth, such could only be found in the cultural treasures in
the museums. Whether in Seoul or in any other city in Korea, the
whole country seems to be going under a huge dynamism of destruction
and reconstruction of tall apartments and road works. Each city
is a collage made up of bits of eclecticism. What could be called
Korean is found only in the jumbles of pre-modern, modern, and
postmodern aspects of the moment here now. Therefore searching
for the ethnic identity is no more than an obsolete idea of Orientalism
or a so-called sightseeing hobby.
The 1980s were a
time when cultural domination of the West was extensively perceived
throughout Korea and became the biggest issue. At this period,
the two issues of military dictatorship and war-torn reality were
brought up, and students, elites and civilians all got together
and intensively demonstrated for radical social changes. In Kwangju,
hundreds were killed by the military regime. In art, an anti-Occidentalist
and anti-Capitalist political avant-garde movement called Min
Joong Art (Peoples Art) was founded by a group of artists. These
Min Joong artists and art critics related art directly to the
streams of culture-politics. The fact that they discussed the
social existence, reality perception and alternative qualities
of an artist, the coexistence of traditional formalities with
advanced matters, and ways of communication were of much significance
in terms that they had brought up serious questions in the art
of Korea for the first time. But in terms of distribution and
diverse art expressions, their extreme critical standpoint ended
up restricting most of their artistic activities.
Unlike military
or economical aspects, it is quite difficult to grasp the relation
between domination and subordination in cultural aspects. For
most cases, the objection and perception against cultural attack
are restricted to a small number of elites and politicians. Though
they are not imitators of the ideological messages and values
of imperialism, a large number of Koreans are in fact enthusiastic
about the cultural products of the West. Domination exists where
it is perceived. The elites who regard cultural imperialism as
a threat, have a longing to become cultural representatives by
making the public believe that they have the misconception of
everything. Oftentimes it is said that in the case of a country
that has been invaded, it is rather hard to regulate a united,
ethnic cultural-identity.
The political view
and discourse of ethnic culture and identity allow us to imagine
this process to be a terminated one, and that imagination is achieved
through the concepts of our ethnical properties or cultural traditions.
Any period that we regard as our culture is a synthesization of
cultural memories up to that very moment. Moreover, this synthesization
has a quality of selecting specific ones, and among them are political,
cultural systems such as the government or the media, which carry
out privileged roles. As a result, today our culture is not a
pure local product, but always keeps traces of previous cultural
appropriations or influences.
While in the midst
of modernization, there are many cases in which tradition is fabricated
by the system of an ethnic country. False traditions have the
capacity to offer the significance of invariability like all other
traditions. The cultural fantasy that insists that the customs
that represent us today are the embodiments of the immutable past
which have been inherited from prehistoric days is one conduced
in relation to ethnic identity. Dreaming of a stabilized past
results in hiding away the essence of the dynamic and occasionally
mingling culture. The sacred quality or tradition of culture is
what weve learned since our early childhood days, but most of
the factors were imported from abroad while being confronted with
resistance a couple of generations ago. Struggling against cultural
imports is the struggle against the changes experienced in ones
life, which is, no more than a natural human impulse to treasure
the changes in ones childhood.
The word indigenous
has undoubtedly been adopted as an synonym of the word native-
meaning, belonging to a geographically specified place. But how
could a culture belong to one region? The subsidiary meaning of
the word indigenous is belonging naturally to a place. Though
this may provide an answer to how a can culture be reverted, it
still involves many problems. Culture is a work done entirely
and decisively by man. Therefore the thought that culture reverts
to a certain region should not be simply apprehended. When indigenous
culture is substituted to local culture, it substitutes the problem
of reversion. Still it itself has many difficult problems to solve.
Which region does a region belong to? What kinds of cultures do
the regions of a village, a locality, a nation, and a superstate
(for instance, Asian or South American) represent?
The art market in
Korea expanded on the basis of bubble economy of the 1990s and
young artists began to be introduced in the international art
scene. Kim Soo-ja, Lee Buhl, Choi Jung-wha, Yook Geun-byung, Kim
Young-jin and Cho Duk-hyun became known to the international audience
but the younger generation of artists has become much richer than
ten years ago. As Korean art circles have a very weak and inadequate
system to introduce Korean artists abroad, there have been very
few incidents in which their works were shown in the Western Circles.
Park Iso, Kim Buhm, Lee Soo-kyung and Kim Sora emerged as leaders
of younger generation in the domestic art circle, but were never
introduced outside Asia. Among the more established artists, Lim
Chung-seop residing in New York, Kim Soon-ki working in Paris
are outstanding and Ju Jae-whan and Park Young-gook are drawing
attention for their new experimental works.
As alternative artistic
spaces are rare in Korea, private museums and galleries are exerting
strong influence on artists. But when even these institutions
plunged into a slump, established artists lost their opportunities
for exhibition. Rather, younger artists are more active and at
a great moment of periodical and cultural transformation at the
turn of a century, they are working to reveal their individual
characters while avoiding nationalist, localist thinking that
has oppressed the cultural situation of Korea for so long time.
Although they are commonly against the claims for national, cultural
identity, they are not naively drawn to the international style
of western modernism either. With the introduction of the 1993
Whitney Biennial show in Korea the cultural, political issues
of multiculturalism was in fashion for a short period in Korea,
but these artists were very antipathetic to it. Though they are
keeping a certain distance to the issues of the Peoples Art movement
of the 1980s that interpreted the logic of the other in a political
way and the multiculturalism of America, they are quite confident
about the fact that art should have a concrete function with a
more comprehensive perspective in a society. It looks to be an
earnest search for the possibility that art could gain a new critical
power through a microscopic approach to the network of global
capitalism and highly technological bureaucratic society entering
into an increasingly controlled state. Ê
©1999 Young
Chul Lee